They therefore search after anew social science, after new social laws, that are to createthese conditions. The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that has ruined bythe bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existencepined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society.The mediaeval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors werethe precursors of the modern bourgeoisie. Therefore, although the originatorsof these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary, theirdisciples have, in every case, formed mere reactionary sects.They hold fast by the original views of their masters, inopposition to the progressive historical development of theproletariat.

The world of the German literate consisted solely in bringingthe new French ideas into harmony with their ancientphilosophical conscience, or rather, in annexing the French ideaswithout deserting their own philosophic point of view.

Ithas resolved personal worth into exchange value. This form of Socialism has,moreover, been worked out into complete systems. In all these battles it seesitself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for itshelp, and thus, to drag it into the political arena. At first with the aristocracy; later on, with thoseportions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests have becomeantagonistic to the progress of industry; at all times, with thebourgeoisie of foreign countries. Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompaniedby a corresponding political advance of that class. Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture,patriarchal relations in agriculture. The bourgeoisienaturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be thebest; and bourgeois Socialism develops this comfortableconception into various more or less complete systems. To this section belong economists, philanthropists,humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working class,organisers of charity, members of societies for the prevention ofcruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-cornerreformers of every imaginable kind. The German literatereversed this process with the profane French literature. Thus the ten-hours' bill in England was carried. The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition ofproperty generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. You are horrified at our intending to do away with privateproperty. Hebecomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the mostsimple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that isrequired of him. They still dream of experimental realisation oftheir social Utopias, of founding isolated "phalansteres," ofestablishing "Home Colonies," of setting up a "Little Icaria" --duodecimo editions of the New Jerusalem -- and to realise allthese castles in the air, they are compelled to appeal to thefeelings and purses of the bourgeois. Please download files in this item to interact with them on your computer. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax. And that union, to attain which the burghers of theMiddle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries,the modern proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a fewyears.
All the preceding classes that got the upper hand, sought tofortify their already acquired status by subjecting society atlarge to their conditions of appropriation. In contact withGerman social conditions, this French literature lost all itsimmediate practical significance, and assumed a purely literaryaspect. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes. They direct their attacks not against thebourgeois conditions of production, but against the instrumentsof production themselves; they destroy imported wares thatcompete with their labour, they smash to pieces machinery, theyset factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanishedstatus of the workman of the Middle Ages. Itsfall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable. By degrees they sink intothe category of the reactionary conservative Socialists depictedabove, differing from these only by more systematic pedantry, andby their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculouseffects of their social science. In the conditions of the proletariat, those of old society atlarge are already virtually swamped. Atfirst the contest is carried on by individual labourers, then bythe workpeople of a factory, then by the operatives of one trade,in one locality, against the individual bourgeois who directlyexploits them. Thereupon, steam andmachinery revolutionised industrial production. Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialisttinge. Combination of education with industrial production, &c., &c. When, in the course of development, class distinctions havedisappeared, and all production has been concentrated in thehands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public powerwill lose its political character.

We may site Proudhon's Philosophie de la Misere as an example ofthis form. In this way arose Feudal Socialism: half lamentation, halflampoon; half echo of the past, half menace of the future; attimes, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking thebourgeoisie to the very heart's core; but always ludicrous inits effect, through total incapacity to comprehend the march ofmodern history.

The feudal system of industry, under which industrial productionwas monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for thegrowing wants of the new markets. The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production.He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploitedin common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion thanthat the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to thewomen. It haspitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man tohis "natural superiors," and has left remaining no other nexusbetween man and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cashpayment." In place of the old local and nationalseclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in everydirection, universal inter-dependence of nations. To this end, Communists of various nationalities haveassembled in London, and sketched the following Manifesto, to bepublished in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish andDanish languages. But does wage-labour create any property for the labourer? In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sightof the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements,partly of Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly ofradical bourgeois. What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that itcreates a proletariat, as that it creates a revolutionaryproletariat. Please download files in this item to interact with them on your computer. Communism is already acknowledged by all European Powersto be itself a Power. The industrial and political supremacy of thebourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction; on the onehand, from the concentration of capital; on the other, from therise of a revolutionary proletariat.

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