Asked how she secures digital work, she explained: Actually it’s very simple and I think that if I set the minimum [hourly rate] so I will have more job to do. Workers and the work that they performed were inexorably linked, with labour being the most place-bound of all factors of production (Hudson, 2001).
The fuller context, therefore, is one whereby demand is relatively geographically concentrated, but supply is relatively geographically diffuse and workers from low- and high-income countries end up competing in the same contexts: a situation that is likely to have an impact on the relative degrees of bargaining power exerted by individual digital workers (it is worth noting that at the time of writing, the platform hosted nine million registered workers and only four million registered clients).4, Finally, we can explore the spatial variance of hourly pay rates requested by digital workers. Global. Work is turned into a commodity in which workers are transformed into a ‘computation service’ (Irani, 2015). The vast majority of buyers of work are located in high-income countries (shaded in the darkest blue color).

The article shows that although there are important and tangible benefits for a range of workers, there are also a range of risks and costs that unduly affect the livelihoods of digital workers. These findings are presented in Lehdonvirta et al. This creates a positive reinforcement loop that greatly favours the first mover. This article thus primarily uses the term ‘platform’ to refer to them. The official target is to enable 340,000 microworkers to generate a contribution to the Malaysian economy of MYR 2.23bn (about US$0.5bn) yearly by 2020. In other words, disintermediation provides producers with the opportunity to attempt to perform higher value-added services. As ever more policy-makers, governments and organisations turn to the gig economy and digital labour as an economic development strategy to bring jobs to places that need them, it becomes important to understand better how this might influence the livelihoods of workers. Maximizing positive aspects of migration, including harnessing its potential for development, and minimizing negative impacts is the major objective in the migration sphere in the SEEECA region, commonly identified by the governments, non-state and international stakeholders. Competition in online job marketplaces: towards a global labour market for outsourcing services? Organizations involved in certification schemes (such as Fairtrade and The Rainforest Alliance) attempt to ensure that minimum standards are adhered to, and activist organisations like Sourcemap and Wikichains aim to increase informational transparency in supply chains (Cook, 2004; Kleine, 2015). Organisations committed to transparency and identifying best practices could do much to improve working conditions (see Wright and Brown, 2013, for a similar argument).

The first wave of outsourcing, three decades ago, originally moved work to lower-wage areas within national economies (Bain and Taylor, 2008), but by the early 1990s the spread of digital connectivity made it possible for destinations like India and the Philippines to capture large amounts of outsourced work (Bryson, 2007; Dicken, 2015; Lambregts et al., 2016). Drawing on anonymised transactional data of tasks carried out by members of a pool of more than 4.5 million registered workers over the course of one month, we have identified distinct geographies emerging in the context of global trade in digital labour. But other types of organisation are possible. They also design their digital contexts to provide some kinds of affordances and not others; encouraging competitive production relations through reverse auctions instead of cooperative production relations, but also potentially reducing inequalities, such as when prejudice based on nationality is overcome by the provision of verifiable information on workers’ skills (Agrawal et al., 2013). (2015b), this article next problematises digital workers’ relative levels of bargaining power through the lenses of ‘skill arbitrage’ and ‘labour arbitrage’. Kim-Ly, in Vietnam, holds a degree in economics and has accounting experience in the local labour market, but performs low-skill data entry tasks after switching to accessing work through digital labour platforms. Login failed. implement economic and community development programmes to address root causes of economically motivated migration; support governments at the national and regional levels in mainstreaming migration into development and sectoral policies; promote permanent, temporary and virtual return of qualified nationals to the countries of origin, to facilitate the transfer of knowledge and skills acquired by migrants during their time abroad to their home communities; facilitate economic and social (re) integration of migrants using tailor-made approaches to enable them to be more effective agents of development for countries of origin and destination; raise awareness in the host societies of the benefits of migration, address prejudices and cultural stereotyping and promote tolerance and cultural diversity; contribute to building sustainable partnerships among countries of origin, migrants, migrant networks and communities, including by undertaking diaspora mapping and building the capacity of responsible government bodies in developing and implementing diaspora engagement roadmaps; facilitate the development of policies and mechanisms that improve remittance services for migrants and enhance their developmental impact, as well as promoting diaspora investment, philanthropy and tourism; partner with financial institutions and other private entities to lower remittance transfer costs and link remittances and other financial gains from migration with credit schemes to promote entrepreneurial activities; empower migrants through financial literacy training and information dissemination, including on the available official channels for remittance transfer, on investment opportunities and access to credit options; and ensuring targeted outreach to women (both female migrants and women staying in the country of origin as household heads) in this context; utilize the potential of modern means of communication and technology for reaping the benefits of migration, including crowdsourcing, social media and development of global databases, registers and virtual platforms. The rise of digital labour presents a different issue, as outputs have a less solid form. As Sipp (2015) notes, unlike almost any other type of work, digital work platforms do not allow workers to even own their own reputational capital. A second strategy could be building on what Hyman (1999: 94) refers to as ‘imagined solidarities,’ in order to enact digital ‘spaces’ of resistance or what Harvey (1995) terms ‘militant particularisms’. At the same time, existing labour migration management systems in the region need to be further developed to maximize their contribution to the countries’ overall socio-economic goals and bring them in line with the existing demographic, labour market and migration trends. In South Africa, Kenya, and Nigeria, some digital workers highlighted how they experienced clients having a poorly informed understanding of the African context. This article has demonstrated that although digital work is now a global phenomenon, it is characterised by distinct geographies. Although ICTs have contributed to the reintermediation of some commodity chains of physical products (Graham, 2011; Murphy and Carmody, 2015), because of the direct worker-client interactions that they facilitate, digital labour platforms are often expected to allow workers to circumvent some intermediaries and obtain more direct access to foreign demand (Beerepoot and Lambregts, 2014; Lehdonvirta and Ernkvist, 2011; Raja et al., 2013). Kim-Ly therefore searched for digital work opportunities, and quit her job as soon as she had secured a data entry job for a large multinational corporation through a digital platform. Participants were recruited through several different digital labour markets/platforms (to preserve anonymity, all names have been changed). Thus, building on Peck’s (2002) call to avoid painting the ‘global’ as an unruly domain that is effectively beyond regulation, our mappings have shown digital work to be trans-scalar, but characterised by distinct networks and geographies: transnational, but never geographically disembedded.
All eight papers in this themed issue on global production networks, labour and development contribute substantially to conceptually consolidating the GPN approach and powerfully demonstrate the centrality of labour in the value creation process and systems of production. This can reduce the market power of workers relative to employers and put downwards pressure on labour prices. One strand of her research explores how children start a criminal career in drug trafficking and gangs, as well as the consequences of organized crime on economic development and state capacity. There is currently very little political will to achieve these objectives in core buyer countries, but that does not mean that any of them are impossible.

The job required her to do daily 8-hour shifts at predefined times, and would involve tasks such as labelling images, or ranking search engine results (at a speed of 100 pages per hour).

Platforms play a key role in organising relationships between the two parties. The main sampling goal was to ensure varied representations of (primarily) low-skilled labour experiences in the countries of interest. I work whenever I want as long as I finish the job. Comme de plus en plus les décideurs, les gouvernements et les organisations se tournent vers la « gig economy » (l’économie des petits boulots) et le travail numérique comme stratégies de développement économique pour attirer des emplois à des endroits qui en ont besoin, il devient important de mieux comprendre comment cela pourrait influencer les conditions de vie des travailleurs.

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